
The Weight of Arrival and the Shifting Coordinate
The flight out of Manila crossed the South China Sea, traced the southern edge of the Asian continent, and paused under the artificial lights of Abu Dhabi before continuing across the Arabian Peninsula, the Nile, and the long expanse of North Africa. By the time the aircraft landed at Mohammed V International Airport south of Casablanca, sixteen hours in the air had worn away the normal sense of physical distance. Traveling westward across multiple time zones produces a distinct state of mind. The body remains anchored to an earlier morning, while the eyes have to adjust to an unfamiliar landscape.
Before boarding that flight, my mind was still fixed on an earlier trip. Just a few months before, I had spent days walking through the humid streets of Hanoi, noticing the French colonial imprint along wide boulevards lined with tamarind trees and faded yellow villas. In an essay about that visit, I had reflected on the historical symmetry between Vietnam and Morocco, two distant places once run by the same colonial administration. I arrived in North Africa expecting to find an echo of that Indochinese experience, perhaps played out against dry hills and cool Atlantic winds.
The drive from the airport toward Rabat changed that tidy expectation right away. The modern tollway connecting Casablanca to the capital was fast, smooth, and remarkably well maintained. Modern cars filled the lanes, including electric vehicles, running alongside commercial trucks through organized toll plazas, landscaped exits, and growing suburban areas. It looked contemporary and brisk, reminding me less of a colonial museum and much more of the busy expressways radiating out of Metro Manila or the developing highways around Hanoi.
Yet that smooth, modern surface had another side to it. Just before I left for this journey, news reports had shown sudden, desperate attempts by young migrants trying to scale the border fences into the Spanish enclaves on the northern coast. Driving through this prosperous corridor between two major cities, one could sense the real contrast between modern highways and the quiet economic pressures that push so many young Moroccans to look for work abroad. The country clearly required a framework far more grounded than simple historical nostalgia.
Script, Stone, and the Recovery of the Ancient Name
The first strong visual impression in Rabat comes from the written word. Street signs, government buildings, highway markers, and billboards present information in three distinct scripts. Standard Arabic holds the primary place, its flowing lines familiar from the Middle East. Beneath it, French remains the practical language of business, administration, and higher education, an enduring habit that has lasted decades beyond the end of the colonial protectorate.
The third script on those signs is the one that really makes you stop and look. At first glance, the geometric circles, crosses, squares, and lines look like archaic Greek lettering or ancient Mediterranean stone carvings. This is Tifinagh, the writing system of the Amazigh people. For centuries, outside powers called these native inhabitants of North Africa Berbers, a name taken from the Greek and Roman word barbaroi, used for anyone whose language sounded foreign to imperial ears. Calling these people by an old Latin insult misses the deep, primary foundation of this land. The people call themselves Amazigh, with the plural Imazighen, which means the free people.
The public presence of Tifinagh is deliberate and significant. After decades of being pushed aside by official policies that focused strictly on Arabization, the Moroccan constitution was revised in 2011 to make Tamazight an official state language alongside Arabic. Seeing this ancient script carved into the stone entrances of public ministries shows a country actively reclaiming its own roots. It represents the official return of an indigenous culture that refused to disappear under centuries of foreign rule.
This layered language environment felt immediately familiar to my life in the Philippines. In the streets of Pasig or Manila, people rarely live in only one language. Tagalog serves as the daily, domestic language, English handles law, business, and university life, while regional dialects and old Spanish loanwords run quietly underneath. In both countries, ordinary citizens navigate their days by switching easily between different vocabularies. Living in a society shaped by multiple colonial periods means accepting that identity is not a single, rigid block of stone, but an ongoing conversation across several languages at once.
The Mediterranean Drift and the Andalusian Echo
Leaving the modern administrative avenues of Rabat, the road heads toward the ocean and stops at the gate of the Kasbah of the Udayas. Passing through the massive sandstone arch of Bab Oudaia, the wide scale of the modern capital narrows into an intimate maze of stone alleys. The change is immediate. The sound of cars disappears, replaced by the sound of footsteps on paving stones and the steady rumble of Atlantic waves breaking against the rocks below.

The houses inside these defensive walls immediately draw the eye. The bottom half of every wall is painted a deep, clean blue, while the upper walls and rooftops are brilliant white, catching the coastal sun. A casual visitor might look at these blue and white streets and think of the Greek islands. The actual history behind this look, however, comes from a much closer and more painful migration.

After the fall of Granada in 1492, the Spanish crown expelled hundreds of thousands of Andalusian Muslims and Sephardic Jews from the Iberian Peninsula. Many of these families crossed the narrow Strait of Gibraltar and settled in coastal Moroccan towns like Rabat, Salé, and Chefchaouen in the northern mountains. They brought with them the architecture of southern Spain, including private interior courtyards, detailed tilework, and shaded balconies. For the Jewish communities who settled here, painting walls blue was a traditional practice, representing the sky, divine protection, and a sense of sacred calm in daily life.
Walking through the Kasbah, you realize this is not simply an Arab city or an African fortress, but a home for the Western Mediterranean diaspora. Long before the Arab armies or European protectors arrived, Phoenician traders sailed these waters, setting up trading posts near modern Salé. Later, the Roman Empire turned these coastal plains into the province of Mauretania Tingitana, tying North Africa into an imperial system that produced thinkers like Saint Augustine, who lived and died in nearby Numidia. The olive trees in the valleys, the use of olive oil and lemons in clay tagines, and the fresh seafood on the tables all point to a living tradition shared across the Mediterranean basin.
The Economics of Departure: MRE, OFW, and the Dual Economy
Away from the historic walls, conversations with locals and guides quickly touch on economic realities. In Morocco, you frequently hear the term MRE, which stands for Marocains Résidant à l’Étranger, or Moroccans Residing Abroad. More than five million Moroccans live and work outside the country, mostly in France, Spain, Belgium, Italy, and the Netherlands. Their presence overseas is an essential part of the national economy. Every year, their remittances send billions of dollars back into local banks, supporting extended families and paying for new homes in small towns and rural provinces.
For anyone living in the Philippines, this setup is completely familiar. The Philippine idea of the Overseas Filipino Worker, the OFW, is part of everyday conversation. Whole subdivisions across Luzon and the Visayas are funded by family members working on commercial ships, in London hospitals, or on construction projects across the Middle East. In both Morocco and the Philippines, governments celebrate these workers as national contributors, setting up dedicated agencies to assist their travel, protect their money transfers, and welcome them home during summer visits.
Vietnam follows a very similar pattern. In the rural provinces around Hanoi and the Red River Delta, government programs for labor export, known as xuất khẩu lao động, send hundreds of thousands of young workers on multi-year contracts to factories and farms in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. In Japan, they often work under the technical intern trainee or specified skilled worker programs, doing essential manual work that an aging domestic population cannot cover.
There is a real contradiction in this shared experience. In Casablanca, Manila, and Hanoi, governments build modern train lines, large container ports, and industrial parks to draw foreign companies. At the same time, strong economic pressures encourage many of their hardest-working young citizens to leave for better pay elsewhere. These countries live with a two-track economy: they are modern enough to educate and train their people, but their domestic job markets cannot yet match the expectations of their own workforce.
The Ecological Middle Ground: Umesao Tadao and the Mosaic Civilizations
Thinking about these parallels while watching the ocean brought back the ideas of the Japanese anthropologist Umesao Tadao. In his 1957 book, An Ecological View of History, Umesao moved away from conventional Western and Marxist theories, proposing instead that civilizations develop according to geography, climate, and their distance from the dry center of the Eurasian continent.
Umesao separated the Eurasian world into two primary zones. Zone 1 consisted of the outer maritime edges: Western Europe at one end and Japan at the other. Because they were temperate, received regular rainfall, and sat protected from the sudden, destructive invasions of nomadic horsemen from the steppes, both regions were able to develop stable feudal systems, clear property laws, and a merchant class. This allowed them to make their own internal transitions into modern industrial societies.
Zone 2 covered the vast continental interior: Russia, China, Central Asia, India, and the Middle East. These were lands of large, centralized empires that were repeatedly attacked, broken apart, and reorganized by nomadic conquests, making it difficult for local institutions to grow steadily from the bottom up.

Umesao’s most practical insight, however, was his description of the regions caught between these zones. He saw Southeast Asia and Eastern Europe as middle zones, border regions that felt the constant push and pull of large neighboring empires without ever becoming identical to them. Southeast Asia absorbed influences from India, China, Islamic traders, and European colonial powers, producing a rich cultural mix where different languages and beliefs learned to live side by side.
Standing in Rabat, it becomes clear that North Africa fits this exact middle pattern. The Maghreb was never an isolated sanctuary like Zone 1, nor was it just another province of Zone 2. It was an active crossroads. It took in Phoenician trade, Roman law, the Arabic language and Islamic faith, the artistic traditions of Moorish Spain, and modern French institutions. Like Southeast Asia, North Africa learned to keep its original identity alive by incorporating every wave of culture that washed over its borders.
Enclosed Sanctuaries: Kasbahs, Intramuros, and Resilient Geographies
This structural similarity between the Maghreb and Southeast Asia shows up clearly in the layout of historic towns. Walking through the gate of the Kasbah of the Udayas felt remarkably like walking into Intramuros in Manila. Both places were built as stone fortresses, meant to position soldiers, watch the water, and protect rulers from enemy ships and local uprisings.
In both cities, thick stone walls once separated the military government from the ordinary population. Yet over the centuries, daily life changed the purpose of those walls. What started as a military enclosure slowly became a safe haven for local memory. Inside the Kasbah, narrow alleys, sharp corners, and quiet dead-ends created an organic neighborhood that colonial planners could not easily control. Behind solid wooden doors with heavy iron knockers, families kept up their private routines, talked in quiet courtyards, and maintained practical crafts that outlasted the regimes ruling from outside.
You find that same urban endurance in the Old Quarter of Hanoi, with its historic network of thirty-six guild streets. There, long, narrow shophouses run deep into the block, allowing families to sell goods at the front while keeping private, multi-generational life hidden behind. In Manila, inside the old stone walls of Intramuros, community life continually pushed back against the rigid Spanish barracks, creating small living spaces and street shrines that survived earthquakes, typhoons, and the destruction of war.
These walled spaces show how ordinary communities survive difficult historical periods. When foreign powers arrive to take control, societies living at major crossroads do not always fight back with direct political statements. Instead, they step back into their domestic neighborhoods, using tight alleys and family courtyards to protect their language, their religion, and their homes. The stone walls built to keep people in ultimately helped keep their way of life intact.
Looking Westward Over the Same Water
The stone path through the Kasbah of the Udayas eventually opens onto a wide terrace looking out across the Atlantic Ocean. To the right, the Bou Regreg river flows out to sea, separating Rabat from the old town of Salé. Straight ahead, the ocean stretches out toward the horizon. The air here has a cool, fresh edge, very different from the warm, heavy humidity over Manila Bay or the Gulf of Tonkin.
Standing on that terrace, looking into the afternoon light, an unexpected geographical connection came to mind. Years ago, I spent time on the beaches of the United States Virgin Islands in the Caribbean, watching Atlantic waves roll in from the east. At the time, that island felt like a distant, separate place, surrounded by clear blue water. Now, standing on the northwestern edge of Africa, I was looking back across that exact same ocean from the opposite side. The Atlantic no longer felt like an abstract line on a map; it had become a shared body of water connecting the Caribbean back to this African coast.
That realization brought a satisfying clarity to the first day of travel. When I left Manila, I was mostly looking to trace the French colonial connection between Morocco and Vietnam. But travel usually sets aside narrow, preconceived ideas. Being in a place does not just confirm what you read in advance; it widens your view, allowing distant locations to speak to each other in unexpected ways.
Morocco does not belong to only one historical label. It is not just an Arab nation, nor simply a European vacation spot across the Mediterranean, nor merely the northern gate of the Sahara. It is a country shaped by the enduring presence of its Amazigh roots, the history of its Andalusian refugees, and the modern economic reality of sending its young workforce overseas while welcoming travelers to its old stone towns. In that layered, hard-working reality, it shares a clear kinship with the Philippines and Vietnam. These countries have learned to handle foreign rulers, new languages, and economic challenges without losing their core identity. They show that a culture stays strong not by keeping things artificially pure, but by having the confidence to absorb the wider world while standing firmly on its own soil.
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